THE CONTEXT FOR ABIOGENESIS

By Mike Gene

 

Throughout human history the belief that life can arise from non-life has existed and persisted. This belief originally existed in the theoretical form of spontaneous generation, whereby life forms were spontaneously generated from nonliving matter as long as the proper ingredients were present. For example, in the seventeenth century, alchemist Van Helmont outlines the following experiment to demonstrate spontaneous generation:


"If a soiled shirt is placed in the opening of a vessel containing grains of wheat, the reaction of the leaven in the shirt with the fumes from the wheat will, after approximately twenty-one days, transform the wheat into mice."



But it is not only mice that can be spontaneously generated from the reaction between soiled shirts and wheat. Bananas also seem to possess this generative power. To demonstrate this for yourself, simply place pieces of a ripe banana in an open mouthed glass jar on your front porch for a few days. Then, take the jar inside and put the cap on it. Within a few days, you will see that the banana has reacted with something in the air to spontaneously generate flies!

Of course, if we were to better design these experiments and place a video camera to record what happens to our jars as they sit, we would find that clothing and wheat simply attract mice instead of generating them. And we’d also see that our banana would provide a nice place for flies to lay their eggs. This may seem like common sense today, but for centuries, the theory of spontaneous generation persisted and was only slowly abandoned in the light of better scientific experiments. The first serious attack on this idea came in 1668 by Francesco Redi, who showed that meat only generated maggots if it was placed in a bottle that flies could access (and thus lay their eggs). Redi showed that if rotting meat was placed in a bottle whose mouth was covered by gauze to keep out the flies, no maggots were generated.

When it became increasingly clear that mice and flies did not spontaneously generate, you would think this whole notion would have been abandoned. But along came the microscope which discovered a whole new world of very small, single-celled creatures. The proponents of spontaneous generation would thus concede that while mice and flies do not arise from non-living matter, these newly discovered microscopic organisms did. In fact, the naturalist Buffon proposed that when microbes died, the organic molecules that were released and interacted with the putrified substances in such a way that whole new living microbes were spontaneously generated. The notion of spontaneous generation thus continued its retreat into smaller and invisible domains.

It wasn’t until the mid-nineteenth century that the final blow to spontaneous generation would be made by French microbiologist Louis Pasteur. Pasteur designed a set of elaborate experiments that showed sterile broth would not grow bacteria unless the broth was exposed to bacteria. Gunter Wachtershauser notes that as a result of Pasteur’s experiments, biology received a central dogma that stated "the spontaneous generation of whole living organisms from chemical compounds, outside a living organism, is impossible." However Wachtershauser, who explores the origin of life from non-life, would add, "It is the purpose of all inquiry into the origin of life to refute this dogma."

Abiogenesis: A new home for spontaneous generation?

Abiogenesis is the scientific study of the origin of life where life’s origin is explained in terms of nothing more than its antecedent and immediate physical-chemical causes. Yet it is possible to view abiogenesis as an extrapolation of spontaneous generation. The theory of spontaneous generation has a history of persistence where its activity is said to be found in smaller and smaller entities. If mice are not truly spontaneously generated from rags and wheat, then it must occur with flies. If flies are not truly spontaneously generated from decaying meat or fruit, it must occur with microbes. If microbes are not truly spontaneously generated, perhaps the various parts that make up microbes are spontaneously generated. But since we don’t see this happening, perhaps they were spontaneously generated in the ancient and unobservable past.

It is also possible to view the study of abiogenesis as an expression of nonteleological metaphysics. Pasteur himself noted this about spontaneous generation in his address given at the Sorbonne Scientific Sioree on April 7, 1864. He noted:


"Heated controversies, such as those which arise today among our scientists, are all the more lively, all the more impassioned, for having their counterpart in popular opinion, which, as you know, is always divided between two schools of thought, as old as the hills; these days we call them "materialism" and "spiritualism." What a victory would be won by materialism, gentleman, if it could cite in its support the demonstrable fact that matter organizes itself, brings itself into life – matter, in which all the known forces of nature may already be said to reside.!"




Of course, the truth of abiogenesis might likewise be viewed as a "victory" for materialism. In fact, Wachterhauser points out that in the 1920s, the Communist party of the
Soviet Union thought its atheistic campaign would be strengthened if science could show that life arose from non-life without any intervention from a divine intelligence (J Theor Biol 187, 483-494). Thus in 1924, Alexandr Oparin proposed an ancient prebiotic broth that once existed on the planet and gave rise to life. Abiogenesis then became a specialized and restricted form of spontaneous generation. This prebiotic broth would later become known as the prebiotic or primordial soup, something that is still taught as fact in many college biology textbooks (Ricki Lewis, Life ).

The paradigm of the primordial soup became established in the scientific community largely because of Harold Urey and Stanley Miller. In the early 1950s, Urey suggested that the ancient earth had a reducing atmosphere since such atmospheres are found on Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus and Neptune. The atmosphere was termed reducing since it contained lots of methane and ammonia. Urey proposed that when such an atmosphere was hit with some form of energy, such as lightening, the basic building blocks of life would be generated. Thus, over time these building blocks would accumulate giving rise to a rich, primordial soup. Miller was Urey’s graduate student. He decided to actually demonstare this hypothesis with an elegant experiment. Miller designed an apparatus that was filled with a moist combination of methane, ammonia, and hydrogen. These gases were then exposed to an electric spark (simulating lightening) and the resulting products were condensed and captured in a trap. Miller found that while most of the material generated by this procedure was a brown tar that is irrelevant to the origin of life, it did generate many of the amino acids used by life (Miller 1953). With Miller’s success, research into abiogenesis truly began. During the next forty years, dozens of Miller-type experiments were done with various energy sources and atmospheric ingredients. And it is from the seemingly successful results of all these experiments that the notion of a primordial soup became established in the scientific lexicon.

Abiogenesis a fact?

In an article written for the magazine Free Inquiry, philosopher Michael Ruse asserts that working scientists of all types would find it ludicrous to question the belief that life arose from non-life through nothing more than the laws of physics and chemistry (Spring 1998). In fact, Ruse claims that abiogenesis is as much a fact as the sun revolving around the earth. But it should not surprise us that many scientists consider abiogenesis a "fact" as this simply follows from the commitment to methodological naturalism. Science does not study the origin of life to determine if nothing more than natural law was involved. It studies the origin of life in an attempt to come up with an explanation that involves nothing more than natural law. Nobel laureate Christian de Duve summarizes his views as a scientist exploring the origin of life as follows:


"I have tried to conform to the overriding rule that life be treated as a natural process, its origin, evolution and manifestations…as governed by the same laws as nonliving processes. I exclude…finalism, or teleology, which assumes goal-directed causes in biological processes….My approach demands that every step in the origin and development of life on Earth be explained in terms of its antecedent and immediate physical-chemical causes."


Science is more interested in coming up with this particular type of explanation than in trying to determine what actually happened. Teleology is excluded and methodological naturalism is asserted. Thus, even if Ruse is correct about the opinions of "working scientists," it is hardly a meaningful observation for those of us interested in what happened.

Of course, it is still possible that science has uncovered a very strong case for the origin of life without reference to any form of intelligent intervention. But where is it? If one surveys the scientific literature, the hundreds of college biology textbooks, and the books written by scientists exploring abiogenesis, one will look long and hard for any argument that outlines the "fact" of abiogenesis. That is, we may find all sorts of speculations proposing how things might have happened, and the evidence that fits with these scenarios, but we will not find powerful arguments establishing that abiogenesis did indeed happen, even in a scientific sense. Clas Blomberg, a researcher of abiogenesis, writes that origin of life research "is aimed to show how it could have happened"(emphasis added/ J Ther Biol 187:541-554). And when it is time to evaluate various speculations about the origin of life, Blomberg points out that the "primary question is not: "is this the way it happened?", but rather, "what arguments support the possibility that it could have occurred this way and what speaks against it?"" As a consequence of methodological naturalism, one begins with the belief that abiogenesis did happen and then looks for evidence to outline how it could have happened. There is nothing inherently wrong with this approach. It is just that it is not very helpful to one who doesn’t already possess the belief that abiogenesis did happen.

Because of its commitment to methodological naturalism, I do not believe that science offers the definitive word on the issue of life’s origin. Science can only offer explanations that do not invoke intelligent intervention and is thus unable to determine if those explanations are true. And even then, it only proposes scenarios that are possible, perhaps plausible, or things that "could have happened." For it may very well be true that design is behind the origin of life and this explanation is not really part of science. But unless we can entertain and test this notion of design, we have no way of eliminating it as a valid explanation. If we were to restrict our inquiry to the purely scientific perspective, we would be obligated to simply exclude any teleological explanation and find complete intellectual satisfaction in a naturalistic speculation that proposes this or that could have happened. Nevertheless, science is useful in that it does offer the best possible explanations for abiogenesis that do not invoke intelligent intervention. Therefore, if these best possible explanations are deemed insufficient in light of all the evidence, design begins to emerge as a more plausible alternative explanation that can fill this void. In fact, if life was indeed designed, we might very well expect any attempt to explain the origin of life without reference to design to face insurmountable problems.  The March 3, 1998 issue of Trends in Ecology and Evolution contained a report on a NASA-sponsored workshop called "Evolution: A Molecular Point of View." Many of the big names in origins research were present and a lot of interesting points of view were discussed. What should interest us is that the author of the article noted:


"Sherwood Chang opened the program with the cautious reminder that any canonical scenario for the stepwise progression toward the origin of life is still a 'convenient fiction.' That is, we have almost no data to support the historical transitions from chemical evolution to prebiotic monomers, polymers, replicating enzymes, and finally cells."


Insights from Michael Ruse

Many people often object when I argue that belief in a non-teleological origin of life is dependent on metaphysics. Well, I ran across an old article from my files entitled, "The Origin of Life: Philosophical Perspectives," published in the Journal of Theoretical Biology , 1997. It was written by philosopher and ID critic, Michael Ruse.

Ruse writes:

Although I shall dwell relatively briefly on the present, my conclusion is that history suggests that, in origin of life studies, one ought to be alert for more than pure science - and that "more" may well be philosophical or metaphysical. This is not necessarily a bad thing, but it is something to be recognized..

Ruse then begins his consideration of the 19th century. He starts with the first real comprehensive treatment of evolution by Lamarck. Lamarck, in turns out, embraced the notion of spontaneous generation, where simple creatures would spontaneously appear due to the laws of nature and then evolve up the "Chain of Being." Ruse notes that both his views of evolution and spontaneous generation were indebted to metaphysics.

What drove Lamarck, therefore, was a metaphysical belief in progress. This is, incidentally, something opposed to the Christian belief in Providence, where all positive change comes through and only through God's grace. It was a belief particularly attractive to deists (of which Lamarck was one) who believed that God (the "unmoved mover") works through unbroken law, rather than through direct divine intervention ("miracuously"), the belief of the Christian "theist." For Lamarck, consequently, evolution was not just science, but part of an overall world picture or metaphysic.

Ruse then quotes Lamarck:


Life and organization are products of nature, and at the same time results of the powers conferred upon nature by the Supreme Author of all things and of the laws by which she herself is constituted: this can no longer be called into question. Life and organization are thus purely natural phenomena…


As an aside, some of the same metaphysical arguments used in the early 1800s are still be used against ID today. It is this interesting to see people like Howard Van Till accuse Dembski of flirting with deism when it is Van Till's views that would have been more comfortably embraced by the deists of the 1800s.

Ruse then turns to the next major work on evolution by Robert Chambers. According to Ruse,

we also know that the motivating factor in Chamber's efforts was, much as with Lamarck, that of seeing God's work through unbroken law producing His creation in an ever-upwardly progressivist fashion.

Like Lamarck, Chambers also embraced spontaneous generation, as he was impressed by the perceived similarity of inorganic crystallization and life. But Chambers moved spontaneous generation into the past and made it a "one-time" event in a way that foreshadows current arguments about abiogenesis.

The point thus far is that both spontaneous generation, and even evolution, were notions heavily indebted to metaphysics.

Then we get to Darwin. Ruse notes that Darwin is an exception. Like most before and after him, Darwin doesn't really offer an opinion or argument about the origin of life. Ruse views this as a strategic move, where Darwin, knowing there was no evidence or case to be made here, ignored this issue so that it would not detract from his arguments about natural selection. If the spirit of today's current ID critic was present in Darwin's day, many would accuse him of being intellectually dishonest for not spelling out his views on the origin of life.

Let me now quote Ruse extensively:

Finally in this brief visit to the 19th century, let me hop over the Origin to the post-Darwinian period. Surely one would expect, given Darwin's lead and given that Pasteur had now done his work, that evolutionists would avoid with the utmost care any attempt to tie in evolution with ultimate origins? Surely the origin of life would now become a non-topic? But this was not so at all. We find evolutionist after evolutionist discussing the subject, giving supposed examples of primeval organisms. Particularly popular in this respect was so-called Eozzon canadense - "the dawn animal of Canada" - which eventually had to be downgraded to inorganic rock from the favored role accorded to it by T. H. Huxley among others.

What was at work here? Most obviously, there was the negative factor that, whatever Darwin's hopes and intentions, he failed to make evolution through selection into a straight professional scientific theory, the basis for a scientific discipline. Apart from the rejection of selection, evolution as a subject in itself continued even for the most scientific of scientists like Huxley, to be something more and something less than regular science. There continued to be a significant philosophical or metaphysical dimension to the subject. In Huxley's case, evolution functioned as a secular religion or religion equivalent, through which he could push for the kind of society he wanted and with which he could combat those that he saw in his way, like representatives of the established church. Others had similar or related motives.

Positively, people were pushing, if no longer for deism, for some later transformation. For some this was outright materialism. For others, it was some kind of material-spirit blend, a dualism or monism of some variety. But whatever the variant, the emphasis continued on unbroken law and the working of its effects.

From here, Ruse takes us to Germany and the land of Haeckel, where post-Darwinian thinking was blending with German idealism or transcendentalism. This was essentially a metaphysical doctrine which saw a unity in everything. Ruse explains it as follows:

And naturally for Haeckel, attempts to answer questions about ultimate organic origins were a crucial part of his theorizing. Indeed his belief that one must consider such topics and that they can be solved, virtually dropped out of his debt to transcendentalism. A philosophy which sees deeply shared patterns between different objects, objects often superficially quite different, and which thinks that ultimately all of nature is interconnected, allows - or expects - that life will come naturally from non-life. Ultimately, there is no gap to be bridged. And French biologists arguing otherwise must simply be wrong, no matter what experimental evidence is offered in opposition. The idea is all-conquering.

Thus, we also see Haeckel looking for connections between crystals and life (not to mention fudging the data to make certain embryos look more similar than they were). And we also find that Haeckel employed an argument that is very familiar today:


If we do not accept the hypothesis of spontaneous generation, then at this one point of the history of development we must have recourse to the miracle of a super-natural creation. The Creator must have created the first organism, or a few organisms, from which all others are derived, and as such he must have created the simplest Monera, or primeval cytods, and given them the capability of developing further in a mechanical way. I leave it to each one of my readers to choose between this idea and the hypothesis of spontaneous generation. To me the idea that the Creator should have in this one point arbitrarily interfered with the regular process of development of matter, which in all other cases proceeds entirely without his interposition, seems to be just as unsatisfactory to a believing mind as to a scientific mind.


This argument, made in 1868, still remains one of the most commonly used arguments by religious opponents of ID, suggesting that many religious people have a very real theological/metaphysical reason to reject ID (in turn, making it very hard for them to be open to it).

Ruse then ends his survey of the 19th century by noting, We can see, therefore, that the origin of life question in the 19th century was intimately entwined with philosophical ideas, hopes, and wishes.

When Ruse turns to the first part of the 20th century, he focuses on the two key figures of Alexandr Oparin and J.B.S. Haldane. Both men's views were indebted to dialectical materialism. Concerning Oparin, Ruse points out several hypotheses he entertained which were at least associated with his philosophy:

First, the rise up the hierarchy brings on fundamental and irreversible changes in conditions, which make it impossible for life's patterns to repeat itself. From the beginning, Oparin denied that life could ever reappear. But now this was backed by dialectical materialism. Second, notwithstanding the fact that life could occur only once, there is an inevitability about the appearance of this life. It pretty much had to happen. This is a straight consequence of the sense of necessity or inevitability built into Oparin's philosophy - given that dialectical materialism has its roots in Hegelian idealism, one could probably find something overlapping with Naturphilosophie if one dug deeply enough.

Oparin believed that a kind of organic gruel - "colloidal solution" - would form naturally in the waters of the earth, thanks to regular law-bound chemical processes. Then, from these enriched waters, reproducing sphere-like gels would be precipitated. These were the forerunners of cells and from them, by a kind of process of selection, more and more sophisticated life would be found. Such metaphysics ultimately led to the work of Miller-Urey, which today, is of questionable relevance.

As for Haldane, he was among the first to propose that viruses represented a primeval life form. Yet as Ruse notes, Most obviously, Haldane was influenced by a form of materialism, and it is perhaps significant that the seminal essay originally appeared in the Rationalist Annual.

Finally, in Ruse's conclusion, he questions just far we have come. He distances himself from Johnson and reassures his readers that he believes abiogenesis was likely, yet he also admits, Indeed, to the outsider, one of the most striking things about origin of organisms inquiry today is the lack of unanimity. He also wisely observes:

Certainly, if one looks at the writings of today's participants, one has the impression that there is more than brute fact and clean theory. It is true that people are careful about introducing (or rather about not introducing) explicit metaphysics, because the whole area does have reputation for unbridled speculation; but appeals to complexity and to the regularity of nature are just as solid as they were back in the days of Chambers and Haeckel. - emphasis added

Ruse then ends his article as follows:

What then is my final conclusion? Simply that, as always in science, the guiding motto should be caveat emptor. I of all people - a professional philosopher - am certainly not saying that one should not accept a position because it is influenced by a philosophical position. But in evaluating claims about the origin of life, as well as judging the surface on the surface content, one should be especially careful to search for the (possibly hidden) agenda, which may well be philosophical or metaphysical. As with everything else in life, some of these positions are better than others, and the prospective buyer should know what he or she is getting.

Thus, in the end, I would say I am on pretty firm ground in suspecting that metaphysics do indeed play a significant role in acceptance of abiogenesis. For the fact remains that there is an almost universal consensus that this happened that reaches far, far beyond the actual evidence.